Associated Press Venezuela's president Hugo Chavez waves as he arrives at the Miraflores presidential palace in Caracas after being freed by his military captors. Chavez was freed early yesterday, two days after the military said he had resigned.

CARACAS, Venezuela - Whether they love or hate Hugo Chavez - and there's no in-between - most Venezuelans were against the idea of a coup rupturing their democracy and have bad memories of military repression that followed coups in the past.

What remains to be seen is how the mercurial leader can possibly govern a nation whose institutions and social fabric have been ripped apart - and whether, after the bloodshed of the past few days, he is willing to extend an olive branch to his many enemies.

"I don't wear a red beret. I'm not a soldier for Chavez. But they broke the Constitution, and they cut us off from the world. They killed people," said Pedro Cabrera, a chauffeur. "I just hope Chavez changes. We're not all his enemies. He's got to let people work with him and criticize him."

Chavez suggested yesterday he might do so, appealing for calm and reconciliation after months of labor strife, a bloody demonstration, his overthrow, swift police repression and days of looting and riots that left countless dead.

Chavez has repeatedly offered "dialogue" before, which was what leaders of the botched coup had long demanded. But Chavez took criticism as personal attacks - and lashed out, alienating many.

Chavez saw conspiracies everywhere. He repeatedly attacked the news media - criticizing individuals by name - though he jailed none. He abused the airwaves with his lengthy speeches. He blacked out TV coverage of Thursday's bloody protests. Yet, as it turns out, a conspiracy was indeed in the works.

Much of the press - thrust into the uncomfortable role of the opposition after the disintegration of Venezuela's traditional two major parties - retaliated with meticulous coverage of anti-Chavez demonstrations, hosted meetings to plot Chavez's downfall and refused to report the events that led to Chavez's amazing comeback.

Before the crisis, Chavez plowed ahead with his leftist "revolution," decreeing laws without consulting business, organizing grass-roots committees whose members were resentful poor Venezuelans, planning radical land reform and attempting a takeover of the heart of Venezuela's economy: the oil industry.

He railed against free-market capitalism, calling it "savage neoliberalism," and exacerbated class tensions in Venezuela, which still looks to "caudillos," or strongmen, for salvation.

Venezuela is Latin America's longest-running democracy, yet Venezuelans still seem incapable of running a "traditional" Western-style democracy in which the concepts of give-and-take, forging consensus, and a constructive opposition are essential to national unity.